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I am now incarcerated
at Sungai Buloh prison after being released from the clutches
of Mahathir’s henchmen at Bukit Aman. Much as he wanted to, Mahathir
could not keep me detained without trial indefinitely because
of my habeas corpus application, which he had to avoid at all
costs. The hearing of the application, if properly conducted,
would have brought to light his role in the conspiracy against
me. He just does not have the guts to face me in open court or
anywhere else for that matter.
Mahathir is determined
to keep me behind bars for at least four years. His original plan
was to keep me incarcerated indefinitely under the draconian Internal
Security Act (ISA), but the pressure against this has proven too
great. My habeas corpus application, coupled with the international
condemnation of the detention without trial, and the massive show
of public support for me forced the tyrant’s hand. But still he
would not take any chances. Hence, bail has been denied and I
am still behind bars.
The tranquility of
the prison environment is a far cry from the notorious police
lock-up at Bukit Aman or, worse, solitary confinement under the
Special Branch’s supervision. My whereabouts before this was unknown
to me because I was moved about blindfolded and handcuffed.
Although I must acknowledge
the general sympathy of policemen who did not hide their disdain
of Mahathir and police top brass, the three weeks I spent under
police custody was pure hell. I was humiliated, tortured, stripped,
denied any reading and fed meagerly with food wrapped in old newspapers
or plastic.
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“Mahathir
continues to rave like a grumpy, recalcitrant old man.”
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Throughout the three weeks
of ISA detention, the total time taken in serious interrogation
was less than two hours. There were questions relating to Reformasi
and suggestions that I should have been patient a while longer until
I became prime minister before trying to initiate changes. I discussed
corruption, abuse of power and the amassing of wealth by Mahathir
and his close associates for their families and cronies. I told
them to note Attorney General Mohtar Abdullah’s enthusiasm in pursuing
a technical corruption case against me. Obviously, he is acting
under Mahathir’s instruction and has chosen to be blind to the fact
that Mahathir and his cronies have siphoned off billions. Mohtar
cannot plead ignorance to this; he had, on a number of occasions,
discussed with me this very crime involving Mahathir, Daim Zainuddin,
Rahim Tamby Chik and some ministers.
Naturally, I think
of Azizah [Anwar’s wife] and the family, especially my ailing
mother. And now Azizah and my daughter, Nurul Izzah, are being
threatened with arrest. The ISA is being invoked to protect Mahathir
and his cronies. Popular dissent and criticism of rampant corruption
and abuse of power are construed as anti-national and a threat
to national security. No one is spared the threat of harassment,
interrogation or arrest — UMNO and opposition leaders, NGOs, Muslim
activists, my personal staff and particularly supporters of Reformasi.
There is a nationwide crackdown against all known supporters of
reform. It is a final desperate attempt by a despised dictator
to cling to power. Instead of trying to win popular and legitimate
support, he is instituting a culture of fear.
The public is outraged
over the continued repressive acts of the government to stifle
dissent. There is a deliberate attempt to provoke peaceful demonstrators,
who are portrayed as a mob trying to frustrate the functioning
of a purportedly legitimate, democratic government. Every violent
incident so far has been started by the police. And the arrests
continue — ISA for the leaders and the Police Act and whatever
other laws they can use for their supporters.
Mahathir continues
to rave like a grumpy, recalcitrant old man. He has become increasingly
contemptible as he gives vent to his anger, venom and egoism.
His intransigence is due to his blinkered and intractably condescending
view of the general public as ignorant and indolent.
Superman
Before my sacking,
colleagues had advised me to exercise restraint and patience,
to continue to support Mahathir in order not to jeopardize my
political career. During my detention at the police lock-up, curious
Special Branch officers asked what went wrong with my relationship
with Mahathir. I admit that initially the relationship was cordial
and comfortable. But in the last few years, egged on by his children
and close political and business associates, he had become increasingly
dictatorial and tyrannical, wanting a formidable historical imprint
of his legacy. Since he tolerates no dissent or criticism whatsoever,
he spews his venom on NGOs and the media. He uses the police,
the attorney general and the judiciary to ensure his invincibility.
Indeed, having out-maneuvered virtually every challenge, he thinks
of himself as Superman and a maestro at the divide-and-rule strategy
vis-à-vis the party, the country, and international relations.
Driven by a self-induced
frenzy to pursue his megalomaniacal fantasies, he became increasingly
divorced from the real world. He could not differentiate the wants
and needs of the people from his own egotistical desires. In the
last few years, he has become increasingly isolated as he got
impatient to get things done so that they would serve as monuments
to his majestic rule. Surrounded by sycophantic courtiers, he
failed to realize that his ideas were getting obsolete and irrelevant.
As a high-ranking member
of the administration, I often had to articulate and implement
key policies. And when these were policies that I was personally
unhappy with, I did so with great reluctance. But I took every
opportunity to emphasize poverty eradication, low-cost housing,
rural development, and small and medium-scale industries instead
of mega projects. And whenever the opportunity to be bold presented
itself, I criticized bailouts and the avarice of big tycoons and
I called for greater commitment to democratic practices and the
development of civil society. I even openly opposed Mahathir’s
attempt to initiate a no-contest rule in UMNO divisional elections,
which was his way of pre-empting a possible challenge for the
presidency.
Lim Guan Eng
The local media has
played its role as scandal-mongerer to the hilt in this case,
insulting the intelligence of their subscribers in the process.
They have even questioned the propriety of my support of Lim
Guan Eng, another obvious victim of yet another Mahathir-engineered
conspiracy. My stand on the Guan Eng case was clear even before
I was sacked. Asked by a Malaysian student in London to comment
on it, I said the government may need to study and undertake reforms
of the country’s law which punishes a person who exposes alleged
wrongdoings but takes no action against the person accused of
such wrongdoings. Any right-thinking person would find difficulty
in reconciling in his mind the fact that someone championing the
cause of a rape victim is in jail, while the rapist goes off scot-free.
And now this criminal has been hand-picked by Mahathir to be among
his chief spokesmen, to tell the public that I am “morally unfit”
to become prime minister.
Reformasi Begins
I am touched by the
support of family, friends and others who believe in me and the
struggle for reform. It is indeed gratifying to see that in spite
of the use of the formidable state apparatus to assassinate my
character, the support gets bigger and more vociferous with every
new attempt by the Mahathir forces to justify my persecution.
I must thank my loyal
friends in UMNO, including party chiefs — except those in high
positions — who have voiced support for me in spite of threats
by Mahathir’s office and the police. The Special Branch has indeed
become the Party President’s personal tool for stifling dissent.
I acknowledge too the role of NGOs, Muslim scholars, religious
groups, professionals and, particularly, people in the middle
and low income groups in making the Reformasi movement a force
that must be reckoned with.
I knew there would
be support for me, but I certainly did not expect it to be so
overwhelming in terms of both numbers of people and intensity
of feeling. Every strata of society and all age groups are represented
in this people’s movement to press for reform, although the most
visible are youths from both urban and rural areas. Malaysia is
undergoing a radical change, and I am confident that it is for
the better. The people can no longer stomach unjust policies and
practices; they want the freedom to speak and their rightful say
in the running of the country. The tide is irreversible.
Mahathir Desperate
It was gratifying
to see Malaysians of all racial and social backgrounds rallying
to the call for reform. Although the government-controlled media
downplayed, completely ignored or tried to discredit the gatherings
at my house, the crowds grew larger by the day and shouts of “Reformasi”
and “Mahathir resign” grew louder. Finally, after a week, I had
to accede to requests for a “road show” for the benefit of supporters
who could not make the trip to Kuala Lumpur to listen to speeches
by Reformasi leaders. On September 12, in my own parliamentary
constituency, Permatang Pauh, I read a declaration launching a
movement for comprehensive reform. In it, we stress the need to
preserve the institutions and processes of law from graft and
abuse of power, to promote economic justice and to restore power
and fundamental liberties to the people. We also reiterate that
we do not condone violence and call on the powers that be to respect
the rule of law.
The push for reform
must continue. Why should the people continue to be beaten up
by the police, or locked up for exercising their constitutional
right to assemble and express their loathing of the Mahathir regime?
Are the people expected to continue indefinitely to endure the
ranting and raving of a senile, power-drunk tyrant? Long live
Reformasi.
Sg Buloh Prison
3 November 1998
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